THE EMERGING WORLD SYSTEM AND COLONIAL YUCATAN : THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF CORE-PERIPHERY INTEGRAT!Olv, 1780-1847

The conquest and colonization of Mcsoamcrica by Spain during the period AD 1519 1821 forms part of a macrorcgional interaction network known as the modern or capitalist world system. Regions incorporated within the world system usually undergo economic change such that production and labor arc incrca-,ingly commoditizcd, dramatically altering the productive strategics of households and communities. A-, Price (1986) observes, world system<, theory is difficult to apply to prehistoric or prccapitalist macrorcgional systems because the world systems analogy lacks referents to broader processes of state expansion, political -economic structure, and the corresponding archaeological record. This paper uses archaeological and historical data from the Parroquia de Y axcaba, Yucatan, to explore the variable impact of political and economic change on the organization of production and labor of rural communities. Archaeological site structure and spatial organization arc analyzed to a<,scss the implications of world system expansion for the archaeological record in a region where the market transition ultimately fails. Settlement patterns and site structure in Y axcaba Parish suggest variation in production organization among communities that differs from historical reconstructions. Comparison of independent lines of evidence indicates that variation in the processes of core-periphery integration arc archaeologically recognizable.


Journa I of World-Systems Research
Wallcrstcin (l974a) originally defined the modern capitalist world system as an economic entity integrating multiple sociocultural subsystems through a single division of labor and the exchange of staple products.The economy of outlying cultural subsystems, often referred to as "peripheries", becomes commoditizcd and specialized towards the export of goods and staples that arc consumed in the system II core."Substantial quantities goods manufactured at top-ranking centers within the world system arc distributed to the periphery as a means of extracting surplus value from hinterlands.The result is a division of labor between cores and peripheries that fosters periphery dependence on the core (Wallcrstein l974b).
Although descriptions of the modern world system assume a capitali st mode of production, attempts have been made to use a more general core -periphery mod el to describe pre-capitalist and prehistoric political economics (Blanton and Feinman 1984;Blanton ct al. 1992;Kohl l987a;Rowlands ct al. 1987;Schortman andUrban 1987, 1992;Santlcy and Alexander 1992).Many of these studies indicate that interaction between core and periphery is variable, especially with regard to the hinterland' s dependence on the core (Kohl l987b, 1992).World systems model s arc difficult to apply to prehistoric macro regional networks because they do not specify how the world system affects processes of political-economic expansion, centralization, or segmentation, and variability in core-periphery relations generally lacks archaeological correlat es (Price 1986).What exactly arc the archaeological indicators of core-periphery integrat ion?H ow can one recognize differences in the organization of macrore gional systems archaeologically?The archaeological record of the Parroquia de Yaxcaba is analyzed below to evaluate material correlates of world system expansion against docum entary evidence in this historically-known region.
This paper examines the proposition that the modern world system is based on a single division of labor and that differing modes of production arc geograph ically segregated between cores and peripheries.With reference to the history of hacienda expansion in Yucatan, I will argue that the world systems model understates the variabilit y of economic Journal of World-Systems Research articu lations, production autonomy, and the range of adaptations in rural hinterland s that arc so evident in their archaeological mater ial patterning.I attempt to show that coreperiphcry differentiatio n and dependency arc variable processes that contribute to structural differences among macror cgional systems.
In the modern world system the division of labor that promotes dependenc y betwee n a center and its hinterland affects the organization of labor and production at the household level (Smith and Wallcrstcin 1992;Smith ct al.1984).The state instituti ons withi n world systems must integrate local, subsistence economics with the larger system in order to appropriate resources and services for their support (Brumfiel 1993;Brumfi cl and Earle 1987;Claesscn and van de Vcldc 1991).In preindustrial agrarian states, the mobili zation of surplus usually necessitates intervention in household production, because households as a rule do not generate large amounts of produce beyond their subsi stence needs (Brookfield 1972;Brumficl 1993;Halstead and O'Shea 1989;Sahlins 1972).Th e extraction ofrcsourccs from hinterland communities by the state affects tactics of intensification, diversification, and specialization that households adopt to compensate for their participation within the macrorcgional system.In the modern world system capitalist accumulation requires commoditizcd labor and formation of a proletariat that consequently results in drastically altered household structures (Wallcrstcin and Smith 1992).
World system expansion, however, docs not always lead to increased wage labor and commodification (Wallcrstcin 1984;Wallcrstcin and Smith 1992).The proportion of household resources derived from wages or mark.ctparticipation does not always correlate with the household's geographic proximity to the core or its location within a scmipcriphcry or periphery.I submit that the world systems model has been unable to account for the maintenance of household autonomy in the allocation of social labor, because it treats household form and function as dependent variables (Wilk 1991;Wolf 1990).Definin g households a-; capitalist, income-pooling units and characterizing prccapitalist households a-, "primordial" (Stauth 1984), sustain crs of a "natural economy" (Evers et al. 1984), and a "community" form oflabor organization (Wallcrstcin 1984), misconstrue the complexity of the rel ations of producti on in both prehistoric and modern context-;.A-; Wille ( 1991 :23-25) points out, these views simply create a new developmental typology in which household labor

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Journa I of World-Systems Research evolves from traditional, to partially-waged, to capitalist, that brings us back to moderni zation theory, dependency, and underdevelopment.
In the present paper, the term household refers to an activity group that carries out functions of production, consump tion, co-residence, transmission, and reproduction (Nett ing 1993;Nett ing ct al. 1984;Wille 1991;Wilk and Netting 1984;Wille and Rathje 1982).Below I present a ca-;c study in the household-level, archaeological site structure of three late Colonial period settlements in the Parish or Parroquia of Yaxcaba, Yucatan, Mexico.The study explores the archaeological indicators and spatial patterns which may signal differences in the articula tion of hinterland settlements in Yaxcaba Parish with the centers of Merida, Mexico City, and Madrid.Archaeological variati on in house lot structure is used to infer production and labor organiz ation at the community level for three hinterland settlements whose relations with the core vary historically.

DISENFRANCHISEMENT, CREDIT, AND WORLD SYSTEMS
According to Wallerstein and Smith (1992;Wallerstein 1984), the household is the basic unit of the emerging world system.The inexorable trend towards accumulation and commodification leads to increa..,ing proletarianization of the population and the production of surplus value that reshapes household structure.In Wallerstein's words (1984), capitalism 'tears households away from territory' and reduces the importance of kinship and coresidence a.., ba..,es for pooling income and defining household boundaries.Commoditization produces economic crises to which households respond by increa..,ing the proportion of household income derived from wage labor.In some circumstances, however, domestic unit.., may expand subsistence activities and access to non -wage labor (Smith 1984).This anomaly, the intermediate or "partially-waged " household structure, retards the pace of proletarianization (Wallerstein 1984).Freidman (1984) suggests that peripheries in particular demonstrate two anomalies within the modern world system: (l) Only a minority of the population participate in wage labor on a full time or constant ba..,is; and (2) wages are often not sufficient to

Journa I of World-Systems Research
sustain and reproduce the labor force over time.These theorists face a dilemma that fails to explain the persistence of subsistence and non-wage labor within the world system.
The world systems model oversimplifies the economic and geographic relations of primary producers to the means of production and to the macrore gional system.Economic reorganization on the periphery is conditioned by several variables that determine how labor ultimately becomes divided within the system.Two important variables in this process are ( l) disenfranchisement, the remo val or restriction of control over the means of production (tools, resources, land) from primar y producers; and (2) th e extension and availability of credit to individual.., or households that may experi enc e shortage.The interaction of these two variables determines the periphery's dependenc e on the core.Capitalism removes household labor from subsistence production and transfers it to the production of commodities that permit capital accumulation via the extraction of surplus value (Wolf 1982).This is accomplished through disenfranchisement, which at its extreme result.., in commoditi zed labor.Disenfranchised laborers who specialize in the production of non-subsis tence goods, however, must also be able to convert th eir labor (wages) into subsis tence resources.In the modern capitalist world system, liquidity (the ability to convert one product to another) is achieved through a diversified market system and a monetary economy that facilitates the extension of credit to bridge temporal and spatial gaps in the supply of product .... Nevertheless, in some rural area.., disenfranchisemen t and the availability of credit have not always produced the division of labor betwee n cores and peripheries characteristic of the modern world system (Cook and Binford 1990;Wilk 1991).Displacemen t of population from the core to the periphery frequ ently prov ides the im petus for disenfranchisemen t and for makin g new forms of credit available in hinterlands.The new arrivals attempt to replicate the capitalist mode of production predominant at the system center in outlying areas.Depriving existing hinterlandpopulations of control over the means of production, however, is a protracted negotiation that is not always "successful" from the capitalist's point of view.Households and communities may retain considerable autonomy in the deployment of labor or structural power (Wolf 1990).Similarly, credit may not be readily available in rural areas, and those attempting to replicate the capitalist mode of production may have difficulty converting extracted products into wealth.Households do not react uniformly to processes of Journa I of World-Systems Research disenfranchisement and the extension of credit that may accompany capitalist expansion.Several recent studies demonstrate that hinterland participation in the expanding commercial sector is mediated by local ecological conditions and household labor organization that constrain production (e.g., Cook and Binford 1990;Little 1987;Netting 1993Netting ,1968;;Steir 1982;Wille 1991).

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The conquest and colonization of Mexico and Central America by Spain during the period 1545-1821 constitutes a part of the development of a global, macror egional network of interaction that has become known as the modern or capitalist world system (Braudcl 1984;Frank 1978;Wallerstein 1974a).Furthermore, the expansion of the world system to New Spain can be described as a consequence of Spain's worsening position relative to the rest of Europe over the course of two centuries (Braudel 1984;Ringrose 1983).After the reconquest of Spain in the late fifteenth century, state polici es irrevocably damaged the economy.First, increase of wool production by forbidding the enclosur e of land produced an imbalance between stockraising and agriculture, resulting in severe grain shortages in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Lynch 1981).State prot ection of the wool trade (raw wool was often exported in bulk to the Low Countries) and a lack of emphasis on agricultural production resulted in famine, necessitating large scale imports of wheat by the beginning of the sixteenth century.The expulsion of the Jews in 1492 and the subsequent expulsion of the Moors effectively eliminated the small merchant-artisan class ( and their capital) and reduced the numb ers of agricultural workers which further narrowed the spectrum of the Spanish economy.Spain's unfavorabl e balance of trade with the rest of Europe continued through the seventeenth century, and the country became increasingly dependent on foreign supplies (Lynch 1981;Vicens Vives 1969).The growing Spanish population was supported by importing agricultural and secondary products from elsewhere in Europe.These goods were paid for by re -exporting materials extracted from New Spain such as cochineal dye, hides, sugar, and especially silver.Currency inflation reached a crisis in Journal of World-Systems Research 1680 when the devaluation of the peso caused wholesale prices to drop by nearly half (Vicens Vives 1969).By l 700 plague epidemics and famines reduced the Spanish population by 25%.
The seventeenth century was also a period when the maritime trade of Europe became integrated within a continent-wide market system (Braudel 1984;Ringrose 1983;Wallcrstcin 1980).As exchange systems centered in England and the Low Countri es dealt more with bulky staples, such as wheat, fish, and textiles, they outcompeted the Spanish economy.Spain's weakened economy, however, held several implications for the autonomy of her colonies, especially Mexico City.The inability of the mother country to supply her colonies with sufficient manufactured goods promoted a florescence of local commerce in the New World (McAlistcr 1984).The Spanish American colonies became more self sufficient, producing their own textiles, wine, olive oil, tallow, and minting their own money.Although the Crown tried to limit trade with the Orient, the colonies exchanged silver for wax, spices, porcelain, and Chinese silk, and substantial trade developed between Mexico City and Peru (Brading and Cross 1985;Clayton 1985).Contraband trade also rose during this period.By the end of the seventeenth century most goods could be produced in the New World, and the colonists relied on Spain only for mercury (for extracting silver via the amalgamation process) and the highest grade luxuri es (Boyer 1977;McAlister 1984).Mexico City became the preeminent central node of Spanish American communication and commerce within the emerging world system.During this period Yucatan comprised a peripheral backwater of the Spanish empire .Attempts to more fully int egrate the area with the macrorcgional system date to the late 1700s when the recovery of the native population and the institution of the Bourbon reforms induced a transformation from a tribute-based to a market -based economy (Farriss 1984(Farriss , 1986;;Patch 1993).The integration of Yucatan with the Spanish world system produced economic changes corresponding to increased production of cash crops (sugar, hcnequen, and cattle) and the diffusion of haciendas into rural areas.Haciendas were large Spanish-American owned estates incorporating large numb ers of resident workers for the production of a single, exportable crop.The expansion of distinct kinds of haciendas in different geographic regions Journal of World-Systems Research and differences in the production process of sugar, hcncqucn, and cattle had a variable impact on subsistence economics in different area~ of the peninsula.Sugar production, situated in the southwest part of the peninsula, and hcncqucn production, centered in the northwest, required large permanent labor forces, whcrca~ cattle raising wa~ not a labor intensive activity.Consequently, the cattle haciendas of central Yucatan did not require large numbers of workers on the estates.Sugar production and cattle raising required large amounts of arable land, and in the southwest and central regions the haciendas competed for land with subsistence agriculturalists.Hcncqucn, on the other hand, could be grown on very poor soils, and its production did not always compete with maize (Strickon 1965).The market transition did not occur evenly throughout the peninsula, and in central and western Yucatan it resulted in a protracted series of conflicts over the distribution ofland culminating in the Ca~tc War of Yucatan in 1847 (Cline 1950;Patch 1985;Recd 1964).

HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN YAXCABA PARISH
The Parroquia de Y axcaba is located in the cattle-raising region of central Yucatan, and during the mid-eighteenth century it lay at the edge ofMcrida's marketing sphere (Patch 1993) (Figure 1).During the Late Colonial period (1780-1847), the population grew rapidly, dispersing from its two original congregated towns, Yaxcaba and Mopila, into 29 separate communities (AME 1784; Lopez de Cogolludo 1954; Relacioncs Hist6rico Gcografica~ 1983) (Figure 2).From 1778 to the Ca~tc War of 1847, the population of the Parish nearly tripled (Figure 3).An extensive archaeological survey of the settlements listed on the visitas pastora/es for the Parish revealed a four-part settlement cla~sification ba~cd on the attributes of site size, amount of ma~onry architecture, and site layout.The cla~scs consist of the cabecera (Yaxcaba),pueblos, independent ranchos, and cattle haciendas (Alexander 1993;AME 1784AME , 1804AME , 1828AME , 1829)).Historical information demonstrates that the cabecera and haciendas were the settlements most closely integrated with the colonial economy, followed by the pueblos, whcrca~ independent rancho settlements were only loosely articulated with the colonial system.Table l describes two trends evident from comparing the archaeological settlement classification to the historical data on the cl1angingpOJTnlation within the settlements.first, the number of cattle ht1d.m<lt1sincreased by 24% (from 6 to 15), y-ct only ab,mt 10% of the Parish population resided on the estates (AME l 784, 1804, l828).111issuggests that by 1828 a disproportionately large amomt oflaml was used to support cattle, and less land v,-as available to subsistence agricnltnralists.Second, there was an increase in the numbers of pu,cblos from one to four and a corresponding tlccline in the numbers ofintlcpemlcnt rtmd1()s.11ireeimlcpemlcnt mr.d1() settlements were reclassified as pu,cblos in the historical docnments, and the tlate of constrnction of a chnrch in each of these settlements corresponds to the date ofhistorical reclassification.Most of the population growth occmred in the caba:,cm and the pu,cblos.l11e reS(tlt w-as that more people were integrated into the subsistence sector of the economy, making them scibject to chnrch and ci"il forms of tribute and taK.ation.After independence from Spain in 1821, land cla<;sificd a<; monte de/ rey and open to all for use became terreno bald!o (vacant land) and subject for sale (Farriss 1984;Recd 1964).Many claims made by hacienda owners in Yaxcaba Parish bordered th e communal land<; of newly established pueblos and independent ranchos, and legal title to some of these lands wa<; subsequently purcha<;cd.A rough estimate of the total area claimed a<; terreno baldfo suggests that it represented about 21 % of the total land area of the region (Alexander 1993).The three independent ranchos that sought pueblo status in the early 1900s may have reacted to increa<;cd land stress.Becoming a pueblo, manif est by constructing a church, may have legitimized the inhabitants' claims to communal land surrounding the settlement, even though they would have been subject to civil and ecclcsia<;tical taxes.

Journal of World-Systems Research
The economic role of the large cattle estates demonstrates variation from what would be predicted following the world systems model.The historical evidence indicat es that cattle raising with subsidiary maize cultivation wa<; the principal activity on the estates (BCCA 1778; Patch 1993 ).There is a dearth of evidence, however, regarding the sale of individual animals, the production of meat and hides, or the hacienda's links to markets in Merida or Valladolid.Conversely, historical information relating to the multiple mortgages and sale of these estates is plentiful.Some individuals or families acquired a<; many a<; five estates, and it wa<; common for them to own multiple residences in Y axcaba or Merida.The cattle haciendas seem to have functioned partly a<; a source of capital and collateral, rather than a<; "factories in the field" operating under a capitalist mode of production.The ca<;h and capital Spanish-Americans needed to conduct economic activities in the urban centers wa<; acquired by mortgaging their property ba<;cd on the number of head of cattle and the value of buildings and facilities on the estate (Alexander 1993).
World system expansion in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centurie s in Yucatan created variable pressur es on different parts of the settlement hierarchy in terms ofland stress and the availability of credit .Cattle raising, especially in this instance, wa<; not a labor intensive activity and thus provided little impetus for aggregating laborers on the estates.Most workers were sharecroppers , luneros, rather than completely landless wage laborers (Granad o Baeza 1845).As a result, opportunities for hous eholds of the subsistenc e sector to supplement their income by means of wage labor or sharecropping on the haciendas were limited, and credit requested of the hacienda owner by his workers wa<; not predominant in the region a<; a whole.The expansion of the haciendas, representing the commercial economic sector, at the expense of the pueblo and independen t rancho communities, the subsistence sector, indicat es that attempt<; to disenfranchis e indigenous inhabitant<; from the ir land were underway during this period.
The inability of the cattle ff(lder.d(ls to incorponrtc a gn,wingpopnhrtion on the cstlltcs suggests that the prnccss of discnlhmchiscmcnt was incomplete und did not result in a hllgc nttmbcr of hmdlcss laborers wl10 codd then be employed in the commercial sector.The ff(lder.dt1 did not "replace" the indigcnotL~ o.;mmunityas the principal social and prnductivc -emit in the region. [Page 10] J()l/1'11(11 ()( W()rld-Systems R<~W '(111,•h Arohacological settlement patterns mirror the division between sites historically known to be intcgnrtcd into the commercial cattle raising sector, the l'(lbel'em and ff (lder.d(ls.and sites of the tribtttl1IY•Sitbsistencc economic sector. the pueblos and independent 1,111l'h1)s.The division is marked bythc distribution of masonry arcl.litccturetl11rt is st;1istically similar to strnctttrcs in Merida.the a.:bninistrutivc center of the prnvincc.In tl1c early nineteenth ccntmy.scvcrnl structures in the Parish exhibited a colonial architectural st;ic charn .. "tcristic of the core: tl1c mtmicipal building und the cunrtc's residence in Ya-xcooa.dnirchcs, shrines, elite Spimish-Amcricim residences ( q11ir.tt1s).tl1c main h,nii,;c (c(IS (I  J}l'ir.dp(ll) and central complex ofbniklings and facilities of ff(lder.d(ls,imd pump-type wells (r,()f'i(IS) that •used unimal traction orwimbnills to drnw wirtcr frnm below.The architecture is characterized by masonry construction.often witl1 a decoration of small stones set into the outer stirfacc of the wall ~-,Jjuele(ld() ).coharms witl1 dcconrtcd capitals, scalloped doorways with dcconrtion above tl1c lintels.imd elooonrtc.arched stone gatcwa;is.
Table 1 presents fl)! distribution of masonry architecture and the nttmbcr of colonial buiklings per site for each site class.The l'(lbel'em contains the greatest nttmbcr and divcISity of architecturally elah,nrtc buildings.It has a municipal buikling.two churches.a large cunrtc's residence.and more than twelve q11intt1s.Fifteen cattle ff(lder.d(lsarc located in the surroumling area, most containing ,'tJS(IS prir .. •11}(1fes that arc st;1istically similar to thcq11ir.tt1s in Ya-xcaba.The frmr puebl()s in tl1c Parish each have a dmroh.and two ha-..'!! small quir.f(IS.For tl1c most part, howc-..'l!r.puebl()s arc chillllctcrizcd by tl1c predominanO! of non-elite hotL~c lots.Independent mr.l'h() settlements arc similarly distinguished by the prc-..'lllcncc ofhonsc lots, and they lack elabonrtc architccti:irc except for small masonry shrines.ch!lpcls.und sometimes r.()f'i(ls.The distribution of architecture that is stylistically related to the system core seems to correspond to the economic integration of settlement classes.The cabecera and the haciendas, closely associated with the expansion of commercial interests in the region , contain residential, civic, religious, and productive architecture typical of colonial structures in Merida.The amount of colonial architecture in the pueblos and independent ranchos, however, is considerably reduced and mostly limited to structures of religious function.Settlements less well integrated with the colonial regime are characterized by aggregations of

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Journal of World-Systems Research house lots that suggest subsistence agricultural production within these communities.
Although the number and size of colonial constructions within settlements is partly a function of the site's length of occupation, the correlation does not apply across settlement categories.The decrea<;ed presence of architecturall y elaborate structures in pueblos and independent ranchos, regardless of their duration of occupation, suggest<; that architectural distribution indeed marks the division between the commercial and subsistence sectors and is related to the uneven expansion of the world system in the region.

HOUSE LOT SPATIAL ORGANIZATION AND SITE STRUCTURE
Following the regional survey of communities listed on the visitas pastoral es for Yaxcaba Parish, intensive archaeological survey wa<; carried out at three sites, one from each settlement cla<;s : the hacienda Cetelac, the pueblo Mopila, and the independent rancho Cacalehen (Figure 2).Abandonment of all three sites coincided with the Ca<;te War, but the length of colonial occupation at Mopila (1581-184 7), wa<; longer than at Cetelac (1773-1847) and Cacalchen (1750-1847).The cabecera wa<; not includ ed in the surv ey because the current occupation of the settlement ha<; obscured most archaeological vestig es of the pre-Caste War period.In order to examine variation in settlement and site structure among communities, the sites were mapped in detail to reveal patterns of streets, house lot<;, features, plaza<;, and public architecture.Surface collection transects were plac ed within a small random sample of house lots at each site to examine patt erns in the density and distribution of refuse discarded on the lot.The results of these investigations indica te how differ ences in archaeo logical site structure reflect differenc es in the settlements' articulation to the macroregional system.A hous ehold is not an archaeological unit of analysis, and residential unit form (a spatial unit) does not closely correspond to hous ehold morphology (a social unit) (Hammel 1984;Netting et al. 1984;Wilk 1991;Wilk and Rathje 1982).This apparent theoretical impa<;s e for archa eologists can be partially resolved by defining households on the ba<;is of "what the y do", a<; a complex of adaptive strateg ies (Netting 1993; Wilk and Netting 1984;

Journal o.lWorld-Systems Research
Wilk 1991 ).The definition provides archaeologists with a workable concept for investigating the relationships among production, labor organization, and site structure.
In cases where the household, the activity group, can be securely linked to a focal point where co-residential activities are performed, such a-; a house lot or compound, archaeological site structural patterns should indicate adjustments to the productive strategies of households and communities.For all settlement-; in Yaxcaba Parish, the spatial unit that most closely correspond-; to the household is the house lot.
Site structural analysis links relationships among artifacts, ccofacts, features, and structures to inferences of specific processes and behaviors responsible for spatial patterns (Binford 1987).Household change (i.e.transformation of the complex of adaptive strategics occurring within the co-residential unit) may be envisioned a-; occurring in three ways.First, productive activities may be added to the domestic economy.Second, productive activities may be eliminated from the complex of household activities.Third, the roles or proportions of various productive activities may change in relative importance to each other.Each of these possibilities requir es some adjustment of household labor organization but may not necessarily produc e any concomitant change in material culture or technology (Binford 1978(Binford , 1983 ) ).If variation in production organization is archaeologically recognizable, then site structural analysis can ultimately differentiate variation in the relations between centers and hinterland-; within the world system.The economic reorganization of peripheries in the world system affects, but docs not determine, the household's organization of production and labor.Extraction of surplus value from peripheries is often achieved by provisioning households with item-; of non-local manufacture such a-; machetes, axes, or preciosities (Wilk 1981(Wilk , 1991 ) ). Household participation within the larger economy, however, depend-; on its ability to allocate labor which conditions its response to supply and demand (Cook and Binford 1990;Little 1987;Wilk 1991).In the Yaxcaba region, hous e lot structure suggest-; that household adaptations vary according to disenfranchisement from land, the tax structure of the region, and the availability of credit.This variation is especially noticeable for one particular productive activity, raising small livestock.
Similarly, the consumption of non-local product-; can indicat e a community's degree of economic integration .In Yaxcaba Parish, the distribution of two non-local manufactures, metal and glazed ceramics, can be compared to the settlement's economic for the three sites intensively ,urve::,.'l!,l.two major differences in settlement patterns were noted: ,,iriation in hu(lSe lot size amt '1iriation in the mimber of ancillaiy strnctnres per hu(lSe lot (  With regiml to the second pattern, different features were identified within the hu(lSe lots.These included Rmndation bnices ofa:psidal ho(~Se structures, pig sties, chicken coops, dlich (rnck) piles andaniaf<~~ (stone rin~ thatprntecttree rnots), wells, and water control ,!c....ices sncl! as pilas (water storage tanks) imd eras (irrigation berms).The mimbers and diversity of ancillmy features not Ilsed as dwellin~ demonstrate ,11riation among the sites.Pig sties, chicken c0-,ps, an,l ~mer control de,ices within indi,idrnl! hu(lSe lots were more mimeroilS at Cacalchen than at Mopila or Cetelac.A Kr(lSkal Willi is test calcnlated for the mean mimber of ancilliiry features per hmlse lot demonstrates a statistically significimt difference among the sites (JPJ<0.027).Wilcoxon tests show that the meim mimber of imcilhiry featnres per lot at Cacalchen is significantly higher thim at Mopila (lpt~0.019),bntno significimt differences were fbnml between Mopila and Cetelac (JPJ<0.999)or between Cetelac and Ciicalchen (JPJ<O.UO).The historicil!e,idence suggests exphmations fbr the two patterns.Both the population size and the rate of population gro~th were mo:1h higher at Cacil!chen than at Mopila or Cetehli:J.Table :\ and figtire 4 show that the settlement containing the l!ll";est ho(~Se [Page 14] Jm11r.al ()( W()rkl-Syste1n~ Re~eal'(:h lots comlates with the lowest population density, the lowest rate of population grnwth, and the smallest population.In contnlst, the settlement with the smallest hu(lSe lots has the highest population density, the greatest rate of population grnwth, and the !!ll";est popnlation.At Cacalchen land stress ~~ls reh~thi!ly high, becimse amble land needed for cultivation was limited by encroaching hili:liemlas (BCCA 1845).Cacalchen ho(~Se lots appear to ha,1! been ,nbdi,ided when an additional residence was neede,l.pro,iding a tempomiy solntion fbr copingwith rapid pop(tlation grnwth within a circumscribed commi:mity.H,msc lots !It Mopila were not divided.Bccai:Lsc l!md stress ~-as less acute at Mopila. the increased pOfYnlation was p1obably accommodated by expanding the area of settlement.At Cctelac the huge hon~ lots and low population density s•nggcst that the availability of residential space was not restricted.The "'llliation in the numbers of imcilhay fcatnres may indicate different prodncti",;: strategics and tactics intended to redncc risk of shortag-c.At Cacalchcn the constrnction ofpcTmancnt lhcilitics for raising small livestock and for irrigation or water control in portions of the hoi:Lsc lot suggests an intensification and di",;:rsification ofhoi:Lsc lot •i:Lsc which is less evident at Mopila and Cctelac.Hoi:LSC lot gardening is a common form of agricnltnral intensification in tropical regions ofMcsoamcrica (Killion 1992).Intensive gardening or irrigation of a crnp within the hoi:LSC lot dnringthc ,hy season may also be i:Lscd to hedge against a bad haIVcst.Raising small livestock.cspcciallypigs.is often i:Lscd as a sonrcc of emergency fomls among the twentieth -ccnti;ay Maya (Hayden imd C'.iargctt 1990; Wilk 1991.J.The individnal animals or their cooked meat may be sold locally when hoi:Lschokls arc in need of cash.Intensified hon~ lot pmdi:tction ~ems to have occurred in the mmmi:01ity least tied to the colonial economy.the independent mr.ch().whcreils hoi:Lsc lot prndi:tction was not cmphasiz.cdto the same degree in the puebf() or the hader.da.T:nhabitants of pueblos and }wdmdasprnbablyhad access to some forms of credit and opporti:mitics for wage labor as a consequence of these settlements' close tics to the mlonial cconomy(C'l!llnadoBaeza 1845.J. T:n the late eighteenth renti:ay.small livestock raised bv ,

[Page 15]
Journal of World-Systems Research Indians wa.., taxed by the Church a.., a tithe or diezmo (BCCA 1778).In pueblo communities which fell under parochial jurisdiction, livestock raising wa.., probably common.Because intensively raising small livestock would have been noticed and taxed, however, it might have been a less attractive way of supplementing one's income or hedging against unforeseen risks.On haciendas the diezmo on small livestock wa.., paid by the estate owner on behalf of his workers (A!vIE 1787; BCCA 1778).
Independent rancho communities such a.., Cacalchcn, on the other hand, were much less subject to parochial and civil oversight.Because these communities were only loosely integrated with the regional economy, sources of credit and wage labor would have been relatively scarce.Land stress wa.., also a problem at Cacalchen.Under such conditions, intensification and diversification of production within house lots through gardening and raising small livestock might have been one of the few available options for coping with limited land and incrca..,cd risk of subsistence shortage.The surface collections from house lots at Mopila, Cacalchcn, and Cctclac indicate consumption of two cla..,scs of nonlocal items, metal and glazed ceramics, that can be chronologically a ... signcd to the late 1700s and early 1800s.Fragments of metal and glazed ceramics recovered in hous e lots refer to discard frequencies of these items (corresponding roughl y to rat es of consumption) and form part of the abandonment a ... scmblagcs of the sites (see Deal 1985).This admittedly rough archaeological measure si:tggcsts that the consumption of non-local manufactmcs among communities in the Parish docs not show a dear c01Tcspomkncc with the settlement's position in the colonial economy.Hist01ical info1mation demonstrates that inhabitants ofMopila were more active in the regional economy than those of Cacakhcn, and consequently the archaeological c,idcncc shows a greater presence of metal and gl<!Zi!d ceramics along with vaiiation in the amounts of those items between households at Mopila.Honse lots an~l residential ai

CONCLUSIONS
The expansion of the modern capitalist world system is supposed to disenfranchise communities from subsistence production in peripheral area<; such that they produc e good<; and services that arc consumed by the system core.Conversely, secondary product<; manufactured in the core arc distributed to and consumed by the periphery a<; a means of extracting surplus value from rural area<;.The process of core-periphery integration often results in loss of direct control over the means of production, and rural inhabitants may become dependent on institutions that extend credit to them in times of shortage.Ideally, ba'lic household structure is changed and mad e more malleable so that it conforms to the capitalist demand for an unattached, mobile labor force that "materializes at the factory gates II when needed (Smith ct al.1984) .The archaeolo gical and historical evidence from the Parroquia de Yaxcaba demonstrat es that the proc ess of world system expansion affects the organization of labor and productive activities at th e community and household levels in hinterland area<;.These

[Page 18]
Journal of World-Systems Researc h changes have archaeological consequenc es for the spatial organization of communities and residential units.Even subtle differ ences among hinterland settlements' degre e of integrat ion with the core may produce considerable site structural variation, a<; exemplified by the differences in community spatial organization of Cetelac, Cacalchen, andMopila.
Of the three cla-;ses of archaeological data considered above, the distributi on of colonial architecture shows the clearest correspondence to the communit y's degree of economic integration with the colonial regime.The distribution of metal artifacts and glazed ceramics within house lots, a rough mea-;ure of the consumption of non-local products by households in Mopila, Cacalchen, and Cetclac, demonstrates that the non -elit e resident-; of pueblo communities generally had greater access to such items than did inhabitant s of independent ranchos or haciendas.Even though haciendas were more closely int egrated within the macroregional economy, the resident workers did not necessarily consume non-local manufactures in quantity.House lot site structure at Cacalchcn suggests a difference in the range of productive strategies practiced by households.Raising small livestock wa-; probably a more intensive activity in independent ranchos than in haciendas and pueblos.The archaeological evidence suggest-; that household-; practicing diversified and intensified production tactics within the house lot, including raising small livestock, generally did not consume substantial amounts of non-local manufactur es, metal artifacts and glazed ceramics.This observation strengthens the interpretation that intensified house lot production is a response to increa-;ed subsistence risk resulting from partial disenfranchisement from land.Intensified house lot production, especially raisin g pigs and chickens, probably represents a reorganization of hous ehold labor for coping with a risky economic climate of market expansion, but it does not necessari ly indicat e greater participation of these households in the emerging market economy.Evidence from Y axcaba comprises an example of changes in production organization in a region where the transition to a more diversified market economy wa-; retarded.World

[Page 19]
Journal of World-Systems Research systems theory de-empha-;izes ca-;es where local autonomy in allocatin g social labor is successfully negotiated such that attempts to disenfranchis e primary producers from the means of production meet with failure.The imposition of a model that stipulates the segregation of modes of production between cores and periph eries oversimplifies the complexity and variability of the local community's articulations with the macror egional system .Although there may be other colonial studi es that demonstrat e closer conformity with the world systems model, the proposition that different modes of production become geographicall y segregated in macroreg ional systems is not un equivocally supported by ca-;es from colonial period Yucatan.
Archaeological and anthropological investigations of production organization at the microl evel indicate that responses to capitalist expansion are variable (Wolf 1982).The idea that the inte gration of hinterland area-; within macrorc gional systems (capitalist or otherwise) produces a concomitant and predictable transfo rmation in the producti ve division ofla bor and degree of dependency between "core" and "periphery" is questionable--even within the original modern capitalist world system it..,elf.Applying a theory formulated on the basis of macrolevel historical data to microlevel anthropological studies becomes, in Wilk's (1991 :25) words, "crippling when the unit of analysis becomes smaller and smaller."Although many of these probletrn have been circumvented by modifying world system.., theory for sociological and anthropological contexts, the variability in the organization of production at the microlevel has additional implications for the use of world systems theory in archaeology.Describing prehistoric and prccapitalist macrorcgional interaction using a world systems model applies a historical analogy to the archaeological record.As with any analogy, ethnographic, historical, or ethnoarchaeological, its use must be warranted.Argument.., must develop link.., between the behavioral organization exhibited by the analogy and specific patterns of the archaeological record.Otherwise, the analogy becomes useless a.., a frame of reference for explaining the pa..,t.Because world systems theory suffers from a lack of referents to larger processes that structure political economics (Price 1986), archaeological correlates that consistently reflect variation in the structure of coreperiphery relations are difficult to identify.If the archaeological record of the modern capitalist world system [Page 20] Journal of World-Systems Research indicates that articulations between cores and peripheries do not actually conform to the pattern originally proposed by the theory, it may be inappropriate to impose this a..,pcct of the world systems model a.., a frame of reference for understanding processes of coreperiphery differentiation in the pa..,t.
Additional research at the microlevel should focus on the variability in houscho ld and community organization and its transformations under incrca..,ing and decreasing integration with macrorcgional political-economic systems.The archaeological correlates of processes that link centers and hinterlands need to be more thoroughly understood before we can apply world systems theory a.., an explanation for macroregional organization .In some ca..,cs we may find that world systems theory does not provid e a satisfactory explanation of the way things operated in the pa..,t.Subsequent investigations should continue to yield better methods of archaeological inferenc e that permit an understanding of center-hin terland relations a.., well a.., the process of capitalist development itself.
figure I. Location of the Study Arca figure 1. Locations ofScttlcmcnl, in Ya:Kcaba Pari~h

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Journal o.l World-Systems Researchposition relative to the colonial system.

Table 2 .
The Dl$lrlbutl<>n of Colonial Architecture in Yaxcaba Parish.

figures refer to freque!"leies of buildings per site for each class
Table:\).Average hu(lSe lot size at Cetelac is much hw;erthan at Mopila, which in tum is hw;erthim at Cacakhen.

Table 3 . Comruarison of site oo ulation densitv house lot size and anciJfarv features.
Table4shows the distribution and relative proportion of these itc1rn among the sites.All area.., designated A through M arc house lot..,, except for area B/C which refers to the planta of Hacienda Cctelac, consisting of the main house, noria, kitchen, and outbuildings .Metal and glazed ceramics arc present in greater frequencies in Mopila house lots than at the other two sites.Consumption of metal and ceramics among individual lots in Mopila also varies considerably.House lots in Cacalchen demonstrat e low frequencies of non-local items in their a ... scmblagcs, but there is less variation among individual house lots in the settlement than at Mopila.The low frequenci es of glazed ceramics and metal in the plan ta of the hacienda is surprising, but the depositional context of several collection units in area B/C consists of roo:ffall from the main hous e which may partly account for the low figures.House lots surrounding the pla nta of th e estate, area.., A and D, demonstrate the lowest consumption of metal and glazed ceramics of any house lots at the three sites.

Alt figures refer to the proportion or total collection 5'quares in which metal artifacts or glazed ceramics were pre6ent.
•cas of hader.<ladSullivan1989er,indicate a rcd:nccd frequency of non-local items, yet Cctelac 'IN'<!$ presumably integrated 'INith the colonial cmnomy to a fai• g1-catcr dcg1-cc than either Mopila or Cacald~n.The hader.<la'.~connections to the colonial economy should have facilitated access to prodncts such as metal and gl<!Zi!d ceramics for the O'INncr and his workers.Ncvc1thclcss, the ~1mancntrcsidcnts ofCctclac apparently did not consume these items in any greater quantities than indcpcmlcnt rar."h() inhabitants, despite their advantageous access to land and crcdit:rhc C!tpansion of the world system to Central Yucatan in the early nineteenth ccntmy, ma1kcd by the proli.fc1ation of cattle raising estates, failed to complctclydiscnfranchi1:e nn•al households from means ofprod:nction and to make 'IN'<!gc labor the basis ofhonschold income.I!ader.daexpansionand the rcsnlting stress on land rcsomccs resulted in two different solutions fornn•al inhabitants which prolonged and maintained the subsistence economy at the expense of the commercial sector.Rrn•alIn early nineteenth-century Y axcaba Parish, the transition to a market-ba<;ed economy failed.The protracted disputes over land initiated by hacienda expansion were interrupted by the Ca<;te War of 1847.In the course of the conflict, many settlements wer e abandoned, and haciendas were destroyed.The first census following the Ca<;te War in 1860 suggests that Yaxcaba Parish lost roughly 90% of its population to fighting, disca<;c, and migration.Today inhabitants of the region still practice subsistenc e agriculture, apiculture, and small scale stock raising.Craft specialization is minimal , and links to the Mexican national economy arc relatively weak.The haciendas of the early nineteenth century, destroyed or abandoned in the Ca<;te War, currently comprise communal land<; (ejidos) of pueblo and rancho settlements that have been reoccupied a<; the population recovered.The Ca<;tc War itself is viewed a<; the end of the tiempo de esclavitud (the time of slavery) and interpreted as a successful agrarian reform that restored the balance of land(cf.Bricker 1981;Sullivan 1989).